"I had to find out the historical context of what led me to where I was - why people were prepared to do the most desperate things." - Gusty Spence
There are many key, although controversial figures that featured throughout the Troubles in Northern Ireland. They appear on both sides of the conflict. The Republican side had men such as Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness, Gerry Kelly and Brendan Hughes. The Loyalist side had Johnny Adair, Billy Wright, Lenny Murphy and Gusty Spence. All played pivotal roles in either the armed or political struggle for peace in Northern Ireland, some played a part rather paradoxically in both the armed and political struggle. Gusty Spence was one of those that sat on both sides of the fence. Gusty is a fantastic example of how it is possible to change your opinion despite being at one time being as hard line in favour of war as was possible. Gusty was so heavily involved in the use of violence including bombs, urban warfare and guerrilla tactics that he was one of the leading members of the UVF the Ulster Volunteer Force for a long period of time, eventually going on to be the head of the organisation. One of the most feared loyalist paramilitary organisation in the North. During the Troubles if there was one man that you would be confident to say, would never drop his weapon for a pen and paper it was Gusty Spence. However, not only did he choose the political route for peace, he was once again one of the leading proponents. He was in favour of the Good Friday Agreement and crucial in securing its passing. Gusty Spence was the dichotomy of man personified.
Spence’s early life was not dissimilar to most born in the North of Ireland at the time. He was born in Shankill, Belfast in 1933, Gusty grew up in a Protestant working-class family. He left school at the age of fourteen and began working in the shipyards, where he became involved in the trade union movement. In 1953, he joined the British Army and served in Germany for three years before returning to Belfast. Spence became involved in politics in the late 1960s, as tensions between Northern Ireland's Catholic and Protestant communities began to escalate. He was a member of the Ulster Protestant Volunteers (UPV), a loyalist group that emerged in response to the growth of the Irish Republican Army (IRA). The UPV carried out a number of bombings and shootings, and Spence was arrested in 1966 for his involvement in a bomb attack in Belfast. His older brother Billy Spence was a founding member of the UPA otherwise known as the Ulster Protestant Action group. The Spence’s were an extremely Loyalist family. In 1969, Gusty was released from prison and became involved in the UVF. The UVF's primary goal was to defend Northern Ireland against Irish republicanism and to resist any attempts to merge Northern Ireland with the Republic of Ireland. Spence played a key role in organizing the group, which carried out a number of bombings and shootings during the Troubles. Spence's political awakening came in the wake of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland. The movement, which sought to end discrimination against Catholics, was seen by many Protestants as a threat to their identity and way of life. He joined the UVF, with the aim of resisting Irish republicanism and defending Protestant communities from perceived threats. Spence quickly rose through the ranks of the UVF and became its leader in the early 1970s. Under his leadership, the UVF became one of the most active and deadliest paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland. The group carried out numerous attacks on civilians, including the Dublin and Monaghan bombings in 1974, which killed 33 people.
However, it was his involvement in the random murders of innocent Catholics in 1966 that saw him receive life in prison. On 27th May, Spence ordered four UVF men to kill an IRA member, Leo Martin, who lived on the Falls Road. Unable to find their target, the men drove around in search of any Catholic instead. They shot dead 28 year old John Scullion, a Catholic civilian, as he walked home. Spence later wrote "at the time, the attitude was that if you couldn't get an IRA man you should shoot a Taig, he's your last resort". On 26th June, the same gang shot dead Catholic civilian 18 year old Peter Ward and wounded two others as they left a pub on Malvern Street in the lower Shankill. Two days later, the government of Northern Ireland used the Special Powers Act to declare the UVF illegal. Shortly after, Spence and three others were arrested. In October 1966, Spence was sentenced to life imprisonment for the murder of Ward, although Spence has always claimed he was innocent. He was sent to Crumlin Road Prison. During its 12th July 1967 march, the Orange lodge to which he belonged stopped outside the prison in tribute to him. This occurred despite Spence having been officially expelled from the Orange Order following his conviction. Spence's involvement in the killings gave him legendary status among many young loyalists and he was claimed as an inspiration by the likes of Michael Stone.
Spence was granted two days leave in early July 1972 to attend the wedding of his daughter Elizabeth to Winston Churchill "Winkie" Rea. The latter had formally asked Spence for his daughter's hand in marriage during a prison visit. Met by two members of the Red Hand Commando upon his release, Spence was informed of the need for a restructuring within the UVF and told not to return to prison. He initially refused and went on to attend his daughter's wedding. Afterwards, a plot was concocted where his nephew Frankie Curry, also a UVF member, would drive Spence back to jail but the car would be stopped and Spence "kidnapped". As arranged, the car in which Spence was a passenger was stopped in Springmartin and Spence was taken away by UVF members. He remained at large for four months and during that time even gave an interview to ITV's ‘World in Action’ in which he called for the UVF to take an increased role in the Northern Ireland conflict against the Provisional IRA. At the same time, he distanced himself from any policy of random murders of Catholics. Spence also took on responsibility for the restructuring, returning the UVF to the same command structure and organisational base that Edward Carson had utilised for the original UVF, with brigades, battalions, companies, platoons and sections. He also directed a significant restocking of the group's arsenal, with guns mostly taken from the security forces.
Spence was a controversial figure, even within loyalist circles. Some saw him as a hardliner who was willing to use violence to achieve his goals, while others saw him as a pragmatic leader who was willing to engage in political dialogue. Spence himself was a complex character, who believed that violence was necessary to defend Protestant interests, but who also recognized the need for a political solution to the conflict. Spence's impact on Northern Ireland's political landscape was significant. His involvement in the UVF helped to fuel the sectarian conflict that engulfed Northern Ireland for much of the 20th century. However, he also played a role in the peace process that eventually brought an end to the conflict. In the 1990s, Spence became involved in the Ulster Democratic Party (UDP), a political party that was formed by the UVF to represent loyalist interests. He played a key role in the party's decision to endorse the Good Friday Agreement. Spence's decision to support the Good Friday Agreement was significant, as it showed that even hardline loyalists were willing to engage in the political process. It also helped to create a more inclusive political environment in Northern Ireland, where loyalists and republicans could work together to address the issues that had fueled the conflict. Spence passed away in 2011, but his legacy lives on. He remains a controversial figure, with some seeing him as a hero who fought to defend Protestant interests, while others see him as a terrorist who was responsible for the deaths of innocent civilians. However, his impact on Northern Ireland's political landscape cannot be denied.
Gusty Spence was integral to the effectiveness and brutality of the UVF in Northern Ireland and played a large part in the conflict in Northern Ireland. He was a central figure in the armed struggle but was also pivotal in bringing about peace in the North through his political work. Spence used the might of the gun as well as the pen and ballot paper. He is himself a case study on the ability of even the staunchest believers in war having the capacity to change their viewpoint and seek peace by political means instead.
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